What a pity that the media didn’t stick around for Monday’s second act. During her evening appearance at the World Leaders Forum, Chilean President Michelle Bachelet displayed all the qualities of a dynamic and, for lack of a better word, revolutionary head of state—at least by Latin American standards. This time around, however, the inclusive nature of Bachelet’s political platform makes for a much more enticing Chilean revolution. In a country and region that is no stranger to political and social instability, Bachelet’s brand of leadership is a relatively new phenomenon. That it should come from a female torture victim of General Augusto Pinochet’s dictatorial regime is equally extraordinary.
Citing her firm belief that “democracy is government of the people, by the people, but most importantly for the people,” Bachelet, who hails from the Socialist Party that governs Chile along with the Christian Democrats in a center-left coalition, presented what seemed to be a watered-down version of a report for the U.N. General Assembly, which meets in New York this week. In static language consisting mostly of facts and figures, she first focused on the challenges posed by the struggle for social cohesion in a country that has been stratified by poverty and civil unrest for centuries. When she put her note cards aside and spoke freely from what seemed to be both her head and heart, however, Bachelet—a divorced mother of three, pediatrician and epidemiologist—became infinitely more engaging.
Her political platform, dubbed the “equality agenda” during her campaign, is attractively refreshing. These days it is rare to hear presidents speak so passionately about placing state-led initiatives to reduce poverty and free trade treaties with such countries as Japan and China at the same place in the pecking order.
The voice on the soap box just got more interesting. Bachelet’s policy of reconciliation in lieu of revenge is particularly poignant coming from a woman who lost her father to Pinochet’s regime and, in the aftermath, was exiled from 1975 until 1979, when she was finally able to return home from East Germany.
Not that all the news from Chile is good news, but let’s not kill the messenger. Bachelet has focused much of her newly acquired political clout on picking up the pieces from previous administrations. The country may have successfully staved off any post-Pinochet dangers of another military coup through a series of successful democratic presidencies in the ’90s, but the military maintains undemocratic rights that linger from the Pinochet era. The armed forces draw 10 percent of Chile’s receipt from the country’s nationalized copper industry. The rising prices of copper, Chile’s main export, have enabled the country to compete effectively in the Latin American arms race these past few years.
Military spending has been, among other things, a hot topic during Bachelet’s term in office. In June of last year, the debate on how to spend the multibillion-dollar increase in copper profits culminated in a student-led strike that pulled the country’s education system to a grinding halt. Convincing students and educators that she is serious about social justice has been one of the many challenges that the president has faced at home. As the former minister of defense and health, Bachelet has been skillfully trained in the art of navigating tricky political waters. On national defense and security, Bachelet, who studied military strategy at the Inter-American Defense College in Washington, D.C., has said, “I am convinced that the duty of defense is to maintain peace and avoid war.” Bachelet’s government does seem to be “walking the walk” on some issues. Just last week, Chile’s Supreme Court approved the extradition of Peru’s former president, Alberto K. Fujimori, who was being held in Chile on charges of human rights abuses and corruption. “This is a breaking point in international law,” said Alfredo Etcheberry, the Chilean lawyer who represented Peru’s government in the extradition case, to the New York Times on Friday. “It is the first time Chile grants delivery of a former head of state by way of extradition to the country where he is wanted.” The decision is paramount because it stems from a domestic court and not an executive branch of the government, which would traditionally be negotiating the terms of extradition. In Monday’s question-and-answer session with the audience, Bachelet spoke of her refusal to make any comment about the subject during the extradition hearings. Her commitment to both transparent government and the autonomy of different branches within the government is impressive. What a staggering improvement from the recent past, when the idea that nobody is above the law had no shelf life in Chile.
If the metaphor is shelf life, then let us hope that Bachelet is non-perishable. In her response to a question about the valuable lesson learned from her experience in exile and how it shaped her politics, she responded by saying that although she had learned a great deal about solidarity with her fellow Chilean people, she had learned more about her solidarity with all peoples—with humankind. “When you put your differences on the table and then identify your opponent as an enemy, that won’t get you anywhere. No man is an island,” she said. In closing remarks, she said that “civic friendship” was inherent to a “stable culture of democracy” and that “social equality is the foundation of real democracy.”
Madame President, if what you learned from exile is that “no [wo]man is an island,” then more of our heads of state should heed the lessons of your experience. I can think of at least one gentleman in Washington who would benefit.
The author is a student in the School of General Studies majoring in history.